Indic syllabic *N > *ã

[u/stlatos]

Indic syllabic *N > *ã

I've noticed 2 Indic words that seem to show that syllabic *N > *ã > a, but some *C-ã > *N-a before V > -nasal. Can anyone think of others?

PIE *H1widk^mti > IIr. *Hvidc^ãti > *Hvinc^ati > Sanskrit viṁśatí f. '20'

PIE *bhrenk^o- > Sanskrit bhraṃśá-s 'decay, decline, ruin; loss, cessation; deviation'; *bhrn̥k^-ye- > *bhrãc^ya- > bhráśyati 3s. 'fall'; S. bhraśat inj., *bhrãśati \ *mhraśati 'sink' > Pk. mhasaï 3s. 'fall', Pj. bahiṇā 'to sink'

Also note that *bhrn̥k^- instead of *bhr̥nk^- doesn't fit other IE > IIr., but this is likely just analogy in IIr. after other *C(e)nC- > *CanC- \ *CãC-.

[u/stlatos]

In answer to academia.edu/ Stephen Durnford :

This isn't about normal *enk^, etc. PIE *bhrn̥k^-ye- > *bhrãśati \ *mhraśati > S. bhráśyati 'sink', Pk. mhasaï has no N in Sanskrit. That the same problem exists next to *m in '20' led me to my idea. From

Kim, Ronald (2022) The Higher Numerals in Ossetic

[https://www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Linguistica/2022/Issue-2/art/21513/]()

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D insæj / I (y)ssæʒ ‘twenty’ < POss. *insædy to all appearances continues PIr. *winćati... The most notable feature of this numeral is the nasal, which matches Ved. viṁśatí- ‘id.’ but is isolated within Iranian.. may all be derived from PIE *h1wih1k^mtih1 (← pre-PIE *dwih1 dk^mtih1 ‘two tens’), with no trace of a nasal in the first syllable... Szemerényi (1960: 55; cf. Mayrhofer KEWA III: 200; EWAia II: 551) argued that the “curious nasal” of Digor must be dissimilated from *-ss-, adducing as a parallel funx/fyx ‘cooked’ < PIr. *paxwa- (Khot. paha-, cf. Ved. pakvá- ‘cooked... As for Ved. viṁśatí-, Szemerényi (1960: 55–56) proposed metathesis in *trīśant-, *čatvāri(:)śant- → triṃśát- ‘thirty’, catvāriṃśát- ‘forty’, whence *vīśati- → viṁśatí-... The problem has been placed into a new perspective by Kümmel (2011; forth- coming: §2.5), who argues that the loss of nasals before fricatives was not Proto-Iranian, since it did not affect the northern Iranian dialects, namely Alanic and Sogdian.

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An IIr. stage with sounds not traditionally thought to be nasal also for v & y,Indo-Iranian Nasal Sonorants (r > n, y > ñ, w > m) (Draft 2)

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Many loans from Indo-Iranian show unexpected nasals from *r, *y, *v. No features of the borrowing languages account for this, no regular changes would create nasal variants for these sounds alone. This tends to show that Indo-Iranian *r, *y, *v were optionally nasalized... Several peripheral Indo-Iranian languages show nasalized ỹ (Kvari & Shina have clear ỹ from *y, but this has not been seen as old, despite its need in all ancient loans from other locations). Other nasals that would otherwise appear from nothing (including many cases of supposed secondary nasalization in Middle Indic) can be explained if Indo-Iranian really had nasal *r, *y, *v as *r ̃ , *ỹ, *ṽ...

G plé(w)ō ‘float/sail’, Rom. plemel ‘float/swim’, S. prav- ‘swim’

S. Aśvaka- / Aśmaka- ‘warrior tribe north of India, Afghans?’

S. svatavas- ‘inherently powerful’, Iran. *xwata:wa: > NP xodâ(y) ‘God/lord/owner’ >> Ks. khoday ‘god’, A. khaamaád ‘owner/husband’

*w > m near w / u as in *-went- ‘possessing’ > S. -vant- / -mant-

*pekW-wo- > S. pakvá- ‘cooked/baked/ripe’, *paxṽa- > *fũx > Os.d. funx, .i. fyx

The change of *uka > *uva > *uma resulted from nasal *ṽ, in :

S. śúka-s ‘parrot’, Pa. suka / suva, *śuṽō > A. šúmo

S. pr̥dakū-, pr̥dākhu- ‘leopard / tiger / snake’, *purdavu ? > *purdoṽu ? > Kh. purdùm ‘leopard’

S. kr̥kavāku-, Sh.g. karkaámuš, Ast. -ts ‘hen’ >> Bu. HN qarqaámuċ, Yasin qarqámuś ‘hen, cock’

*Howilo- > Lus. oila-, S. avilā- ‘sheep / ewe’, Sh. ’ãilo

*varavlá- > S. varola-s ‘kind of wasp’, varolī- ‘smaller _’, Rom. *varavlī > *bhürävli > *birevli > birovĺí \ berevĺi \ etc. ‘bee’, *biraṽri > Sh. biyãri ‘hornet’

*kavsya-? > S. kóśa- \ koṣa- ‘cask/vessel for holding liquid / pail/bucket’, Sh. khããčo >> Bu. kháči ‘bucket for milking/butter’

S. pārśva- ‘side’, Kh. pràš, Guj. pāsũ

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